Salih Yılmaz In this book, 47 analyzes published in Russian on TRT Russian channel in 2018 were brought together and presented in Turkish. In these analyzes, economic and military developments, especially the political events that developed between Turkey and Russia throughout 2018, were interpreted. In this sense, ideas and opinions that will guide the relations between the two countries have been discussed.
This work is a continuation of the book that previously dealt with the developing relations between Russia and Turkey between the years 2016-2017. In this work, the events that developed between the two countries in 2018 were written in Turkish and Russian in the form of analyzes. In order to understand these works, “Is a Turkey-Russia Eurasian Pact Possible?” We recommend that you also read our work.
The military-technological cooperation between Russia and Turkey, apart from the developing economy in Syria, marks a new era for NATO member Turkey as well as for other members. We should say that Turkey, which could not get enough support from its NATO allies in this state, is making efforts to ensure stability in its region, especially its own security, in cooperation with Russia. As long as the harsh policies of the USA against Turkey continue, this cooperation seems to develop further. Considering NATO's concerns regarding this cooperation, it may be possible to establish a new security-based bloc in Eurasia in the future. This process is under the initiative of NATO-USA on the one hand and Turkey on the other.
Turkey's purchase of the S400 air defense system indicates a significant change and opposition not only for Turkey but also for the whole world, which has become dependent on the USA. We hope that such works will be useful in order for these two states and societies to better understand each other.

Abdullah Orhan, Adem Bağış Alçiçek, Agil Mammadov, Ahmet Keser, Ahmet Sapmaz, Ainur Nogayeva, Akın Kiren, Akın Sağıroğlu, Ali Serdar Erdurmaz, Anıl Çağlar Erkan, Arif Bağbaşlıoğlu, Aslı Okay Toprak, Aybike Açıkel, Aylin Çelik Turan, Aylin Erdoğdu, Ayşe Gülce Uygun, Azime Telli, Belma Engin Güder, Betül Buzbay, Burak Şakir Şeker, Canan Orhan Gönül, Ceyda Tuna Bozdoğan, Cüneyt Akalın, Deniz Mehmet Irak, Deniz Vural, Dinçer Bayer, Doğan Şafak Polat, Doğuş Sönmez, E. Caner Bener, Eda Güney, Emete Gözügüzelli, Emin Abbasov, Emin Erol, Emine Kılıçaslan, Emre Ozan, Erdoğan Mert, Faik Canbolat, Fatma Aslı Kelkitli, Furkan Yıldız, Gamze Tanil, Gaukhar Jumadilova, Gökçe Hubar, Gökhan Ak, Göksu Uzunyayla, Güney Ferhat Batı, Güngör Şahin, Hakan Çetinoğlu, Hasan Oktay, Hasret Çomak, Haşim Türker, Hatice Nur Germir, Haydar Çakmak, Hekma Wali, Hüseyin Çelik, İ. Melih Baş, İbrahim Akın, İbrahim Hasanoğlu, İlhan Aras, Keisuke Wakizaka, Kübra Deren Ekici, Levent Uzunçıbuk, M. Cem Oğultürk, Mahir Terzi, Mehmet Şahin, Melih Ersal, Melih Görgün, Merve Taşyaran, Mesut Şöhret, Metin Aksoy, Murat Koray, Mustafa Oktay Alnıak, Muzaffer Akdoğan, N. Verda Ecim, Nejat Doğan, Nurgül Yıldırım, Nuri Gökhan Toprak, Oktay Bingöl, Ömer Gök, Öykü Oğulbalı, Özkan Gönül, Özkan Gönül, Saltuk Duran, Saniya Nurdavletova, Serhan Karaloğlu, Serpil Bardakçı Tosun, Sevilay Keleş, Sezai Özçelik, Sina Kısacık, Soyalp Tamçelik, Tarık Demir, Ufuk Cerrah, Uğur Gül, Uğur Özgöker, Ulvi Keser, Ulvi Keser, Ülkü Öztürk, Volkan Tatar, Yaşar Onay, Zeynep Erhan, Zuhal Mert Uzuner Today, global and regional actors realize their economic, political, cultural and security initiatives and orientations to a large extent through maritime transport lines. In this respect, the seas and sea routes have become an important element of geopolitical competition.
The Mediterranean is a sea of ​​increasing geopolitical and geostrategic importance. It is one of the most important crossroads of international trade. The Mediterranean, which connects the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, is the focal point of the maritime transport lines stretching to the Indian Ocean and Far East countries via the Suez Canal on the one hand, and to the Atlantic and North and South American countries via the Strait of Gibraltar on the other hand.
The Mediterranean's position in terms of energy is increasing the power race and geoeconomic competition on the world scale over the Mediterranean.
The Mediterranean gives a new dimension and a new orientation to Euro-Atlantic security, and due to its geopolitical position, it directly affects the security dynamics of European, Middle Eastern, North African and Far Eastern countries.
In our country, the necessity of preparing a multidimensional and rich research work on the Mediterranean and presenting it to the service of science has emerged.
The work named Mediterranean Geopolitics has been prepared with the idea of ​​clarifying current issues related to the Mediterranean, determining new orientations and approaches for the future, and adding depth and richness to the field of science.

Abdullah Sayın, Akın Kiren, Akın Sağıroğlu, Alaettin Sevim, Ali Bilgin Varlık, Alperen Kürşad Zengin, Arzu Yorkan, Aslı Okay Toprak, Aylin Çelik Turan, Ayşe Gülce Uygun, Begüm Doğrusöz, Bekir Evin, Belma Engin Güder, Betül Özyılmaz Kiraz, Burak Şakir Şeker, Canan Özge Eğri, Cemal Kakışım, Cemre Pekcan, Cihat Yaycı, Çağla Arslan Bozkuş, Çiğdem Pekar, Çiğdem Sofuoğlu, Dimitrios Ioannidis, Dinçer Bayer, Doğan Şafak Polat, Dora Uzkesici, Ece Barutçu, Emete Gözügüzelli, Emin Abbasov, Emine Kılıçaslan, Emre Çıtak, Erdoğan Mert, Ergun Mengi, Erkan Akdoğan, Erkan Zan, Esra Ballı, Esra Toz, Fahri Erenel, Ferda Özer, Feride Yılmaz, Furkan Yıldız, Gökhan Yılmaz, Gülşah Özdemir, Hakan Çetinoğlu, Hande Sapmaz, Hanife Bıdırdı, Hasret Çomak, Hatice Nur Germir, Hüseyin Çelik, Hüseyin Gençer, Ioannis E. Kotoulas, Ioannis Th. Mazis, Işıl Demirtaş, İ. Melih Baş, İbrahim Akın, İbrahim Arslan, İlhan Aras, İsmail Hakkı Elçi, Konstantinos Gogos, Kübra Deren Ekici, Levent Uzunçıbuk, Markos I. Troulis, Mehlika Özlem Ultan, Mehmet Şahin, Melis Atasoy, Mesut Şöhret, Mine Yılmazer, Muhammed Emin Kocaman, Murad Duzcu, Murat Koray, Murat Pınar, Mustafa Kaymakçı, Mustafa Oktay Alnıak, Müge Manga, Nejat Doğan, Neslihan Özkerim Güner, Nurettin Taşar, Nuri Gökhan Toprak, Oğuz Taner Hacıfazlıoğlu, Oktay Bingöl, Özkan Gönül, Pelin Dikmen Yıldız, Sadullah Özel, Sami Kiraz, Serdar Altun, Serdar Çukur, Serpil Bardakçı Tosun, Sezai Özçelik, Sina Kısacık, Soner Karagül, Soyalp Tamçelik, Şengül G. Aydıngün, Tarık Demir, Volkan Tatar, Yunus Karaağaç, Zeynep Erhan Bulut, Zuhal Mert Uzuner The Aegean Sea forms an important waterway between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, together with the Bosporus and Dardanelles Straits. For all countries using this waterway, the Aegean Sea maintains its geopolitical and geostrategic importance. Since it is a semi-enclosed sea, it is important to produce and monitor stability-oriented policies in the Aegean Sea. In this way, the Aegean Sea's setting an example for peace and stability and its continuation will contribute greatly to peace in the region and the world. In this period where maritime security and stability gain more importance than ever before establishing and maintaining mutual trust between riparian countries in the Aegean Sea is possible if the parties comply with the provisions of the International Agreement and the Convention.

Ömer Lütfi Taşcıoğlu La Première Guerre mondiale était une compétition pour diviser le pillage des terres ottomanes entre les grandes puissances de l'époque. Les attaques impérialistes sont venues des deux côtés. La défense de l’État (ottoman) sur le front oriental, n’a rien de différent de sa défense sur la péninsule de Gallipoli à l’ouest, en termes de sécurité de tous les peuples du pays.
Ensuite, le gouvernement n'a pas eu d'autre choix que de mettre en pratique la pratique de la déportation pour éviter la rébellion, à savoir: la trahison arménienne, qui est aujourd'hui généralement symbolisé par la date du 24 avril 1915, qui devient également une veille du "débarquement britannique à Gallipoli".
Le décret de réinstallation émis par le gouvernement ottoman visait à empêcher les résidents locaux de soutenir, de renforcer et d'inciter les mouvements arméniens agressifs, qui se battaient volontiers pour l'armée adversaire (russe) contre leur propre pays, étant eux-mêmes et aux citoyens de l'Empire ottoman. En plus de cela, sous la forme de gangs armés organisés, ils assassinaient des innocents turcs et / ou musulmans de la région.
Cette décision de réinstallation temporaire a également résolu d'autres problèmes au sein des lignes de communication logistique de l'armée et des autres lignes d'approvisionnement, qui ont été empêchés par ces gangs.
Des gangs arméniens poignardaient l'armée ottomane dans le dos, et des mutinés arméniens causaient encore d'autres maux tels que torturer et massacrer honteusement des femmes, des personnes âgées et des enfants dans les maisons turco-musulmanes laissées par les jeunes de la maison, ceux qui étaient alors occupés à mener des batailles féroces sur les lignes de front d'une guerre féroce, ce que ces gangs faisaient était exactement un "nettoyage ethnique", que dans ces circonstances, la décision de l'État était une précaution obligatoire de la situation de guerre stratégique.

Ömer Lütfi Taşcıoğlu La Primera Guerra Mundial fue una competición de repartimiento el saqueo de tierras otomanas entre las grandes potencias de la época. Los asaltos imperialistas venían por ambos lados. La defensa del Estado (Otomano) en el 'frente oriental' no era nada diferente de su defensa en la Península de Gallipoli en el occidente, en términos de la seguridad de todos los pueblos del país.
Entonces el gobierno no tenía más remedio que poner en vigor la práctica de deportación para evitar la rebelión, i.e: la traición, armenia, la que hoy suele ser simbolizada por la fecha del 24 de abril de 1915, el que también pasa a ser un día antes del 'desembarco británico en Gallipoli'.
El decreto de reubicación emitido por el Gobierno Otomano tenía la intención de impedir a los residentes locales apoyar, reforzar e instigar a los agresivos movimientos armenios, quienes voluntariamente estaban luchando por el ejército adversario (ruso) en contra a su propio país, siendo ellos mismos ya los ciudadanos del Imperio Otomano. Además de esto, en forma de unas bandas armadas que organizaban, estaban asesinando a las inocentes gentes turcas y/o musulmanas de la zona.
Esta decisión de recolocación temporaria resolvió también unos otros problemas dentro de las líneas de comunicación logísticas del ejército y las otras líneas de suministro, las que se impedían por éstas bandas.
Las pandillas armenias estaban apuñalando al ejército otomano por la espalda y los mutinos armenios causaban aun otros males como que torturaban y masacraban vergonzosamente a las mujeres, a los ancianos y a los niños en las casas turcas/musulmanes dejadas atras por los jóvenes de la casa, quienes entonces estaban ocupados luchando feroces batallas en las líneas del frente de una feroz guerra, lo que hacian aquellas bandas era exactamente una “limpieza étnica”, que en estas circunstancias, la decisión del estado era una precaución obligatoria del la situación estratégica bélica.

Şaban Halis Çalış Despite its standing in world politics, there is still a paucity of academic publications concerning Turkish foreign policy. In addition, most of the existing publications prefer only to narrate it historically.
This book takes a step back and critically analyses the factors and actors which affect Turkish foreign policy within a theoretical and conceptual framework as well as a historical setting covering the Kemalist period in particular. In addition, this book presents its subject matter from a broader and longer perspective, taking together both material and ideational phenomena, all the while focussing on the ideas, ideologies and norms which are ignored by many analysts of Turkish politics.
Turkish foreign policy of the past and even up to the present appears to be a product of certain “foundations” that were laid down by the Kemalist leadership and cadres after the establishment of the Turkish Republic. However, this book reviews these foundations comparatively with the Ottoman modernisation period including as well certain detailed references to the classical age of the Empire in order to demonstrate that there are not so much epistemological ruptures between past and present in a broader sense.

Nuri Salık The Syrian crisis, which broke out in March 2011 and almost caused a global earthquake, has been one of the most pressing issues in Turkish foreign policy for the past 10 years. The Syria policy that Turkey followed during the Arab Spring period caused great debates both at home and abroad from the first day and increased academic interest in Turkey-Syria relations. However, despite this increasing interest recently, it is observed that studies examining the relations between the two countries mostly focus on current developments and miss the historical dynamics of Turkey's Syria policy. This book sheds light on the period of 1960-1980, which has not been discussed in detail in the literature on Turkey-Syria relations until now. In the book, Turkey's policy towards its neighbor Syria in the 1960s and 1970s, when it sought new foreign policy, is analyzed based on domestic and foreign archive documents. The book reveals that Turkey-Syria relations, which were overshadowed by the Cold War rivalry in the 1950s and PKK terrorism in the post-1980 period, settled on a clear ground of softening and reconciliation in the period from the 27 May 1960 coup to the 12 September 1980 coup. We hope that this book will be instrumental in carrying out the debates around Turkey-Syria relations on a healthier ground.

İbrahim Karataş This book analyzes the role of soft power in Qatar's foreign policy. Although Qatar is a small state, it could ensure its sovereignty and security through its soft power instruments. Thanks to hydrocarbon revenues, the Sheikhdom could become a regional actor through its assertive foreign policy, established one of the biggest media companies, namely Al Jazeera TV network, made new friends by foreign aid and overseas investments, could win the bid for hosting FIFA 2022 World Cup, and so on. In addition, personal efforts of incumbent Emir Tamim Al-Thani, former Emir Hamad Bin Khalifa and his wife Sheikha Moza have shown how soft power of individuals can change the destiny of a country. The book analyzes Qatar for the concept of soft power since the small country is one of the most successful countries wielding soft power. It also lays down the author's theories about the concept, which he tries to include to the literature.

Ahmet Hüsrev Çelik, Bora Bayraktar, Erdem Eren, İbrahim Karataş, Mustafa Atatorun, Mustafa Öztop, Şahin Çaylı This book analyzes Turkey's fight with terrorism, overseas bases and its efforts to produce indigenous weapons. Threats to Turkey have changed and transformed in the last two decades. Besides, struggling with the PKK terrorist organization, the Arab Spring led to the emergence of new existential threats such as ISIS, another terrorist organization, PKK's Syria branch YPG, and waves of migration, originating mainly from Syria. In addition, Turkey incurred a failed military coup perpetrated by FETO (Fetullahist Terrorist Organization) in 2016. Thus, it had to fight PKK, YPG (SDF), ISIS and FETO simultaneously until recent times. On the other hand, Turkey accelerated the production of indigenous weapons from early 2000s onward. As of 2021, more than 70% of Turkish army's military equipment is supplied by local defense companies. Relying on its economy, active foreign policy and advanced weapons, the Turkish state also began to construct military bases in various countries and got involved in clashes.

Nurullah Çetin Iraq and Syria were formerly Turkish homelands. Iraqi and Syrian Turkmen are a continuation and relative of the Turks of Turkey. Turks in Turkmeneli, which is the name of the ancient Turkish homelands in Iraq and Syria today, are in danger of extinction under the persecution of ISIS and Barzani peshmerga. Today, Turkish villages and cities in Turkmeneli are evacuated and occupied by ISIS and the peshmerga. Turkey must protect the Iraqi and Syrian Turkmen in order to preserve its existence.