Şafak Gök The Taliban, who was removed from the administration with the international intervention in 2001, took over the administration in Afghanistan after twenty years. In this work titled Taliban in Afghan Political Life, Author; With the background of his senior position in Kabul in 2014-15, he examines the reasons for the success of the Taliban and the failure of NATO and the Afghan Government. The book sheds light on Afghanistan's recent history, geography, ethnic division, sectarian structure, power centers, the interests and approaches of other countries, the fragility of the state, the past and present of the Taliban, the developments after the international intervention in Afghanistan, and the current situation of the country. It also makes predictions about the future of the country.

Abdullah Orhan, Adem Bağış Alçiçek, Agil Mammadov, Ahmet Keser, Ahmet Sapmaz, Ainur Nogayeva, Akın Kiren, Akın Sağıroğlu, Ali Serdar Erdurmaz, Anıl Çağlar Erkan, Arif Bağbaşlıoğlu, Aslı Okay Toprak, Aybike Açıkel, Aylin Çelik Turan, Aylin Erdoğdu, Ayşe Gülce Uygun, Azime Telli, Belma Engin Güder, Betül Buzbay, Burak Şakir Şeker, Canan Orhan Gönül, Ceyda Tuna Bozdoğan, Cüneyt Akalın, Deniz Mehmet Irak, Deniz Vural, Dinçer Bayer, Doğan Şafak Polat, Doğuş Sönmez, E. Caner Bener, Eda Güney, Emete Gözügüzelli, Emin Abbasov, Emin Erol, Emine Kılıçaslan, Emre Ozan, Erdoğan Mert, Faik Canbolat, Fatma Aslı Kelkitli, Furkan Yıldız, Gamze Tanil, Gaukhar Jumadilova, Gökçe Hubar, Gökhan Ak, Göksu Uzunyayla, Güney Ferhat Batı, Güngör Şahin, Hakan Çetinoğlu, Hasan Oktay, Hasret Çomak, Haşim Türker, Hatice Nur Germir, Haydar Çakmak, Hekma Wali, Hüseyin Çelik, İ. Melih Baş, İbrahim Akın, İbrahim Hasanoğlu, İlhan Aras, Keisuke Wakizaka, Kübra Deren Ekici, Levent Uzunçıbuk, M. Cem Oğultürk, Mahir Terzi, Mehmet Şahin, Melih Ersal, Melih Görgün, Merve Taşyaran, Mesut Şöhret, Metin Aksoy, Murat Koray, Mustafa Oktay Alnıak, Muzaffer Akdoğan, N. Verda Ecim, Nejat Doğan, Nurgül Yıldırım, Nuri Gökhan Toprak, Oktay Bingöl, Ömer Gök, Öykü Oğulbalı, Özkan Gönül, Özkan Gönül, Saltuk Duran, Saniya Nurdavletova, Serhan Karaloğlu, Serpil Bardakçı Tosun, Sevilay Keleş, Sezai Özçelik, Sina Kısacık, Soyalp Tamçelik, Tarık Demir, Ufuk Cerrah, Uğur Gül, Uğur Özgöker, Ulvi Keser, Ulvi Keser, Ülkü Öztürk, Volkan Tatar, Yaşar Onay, Zeynep Erhan, Zuhal Mert Uzuner Today, global and regional actors realize their economic, political, cultural and security initiatives and orientations to a large extent through maritime transport lines. In this respect, the seas and sea routes have become an important element of geopolitical competition.
The Mediterranean is a sea of ​​increasing geopolitical and geostrategic importance. It is one of the most important crossroads of international trade. The Mediterranean, which connects the continents of Asia, Europe and Africa, is the focal point of the maritime transport lines stretching to the Indian Ocean and Far East countries via the Suez Canal on the one hand, and to the Atlantic and North and South American countries via the Strait of Gibraltar on the other hand.
The Mediterranean's position in terms of energy is increasing the power race and geoeconomic competition on the world scale over the Mediterranean.
The Mediterranean gives a new dimension and a new orientation to Euro-Atlantic security, and due to its geopolitical position, it directly affects the security dynamics of European, Middle Eastern, North African and Far Eastern countries.
In our country, the necessity of preparing a multidimensional and rich research work on the Mediterranean and presenting it to the service of science has emerged.
The work named Mediterranean Geopolitics has been prepared with the idea of ​​clarifying current issues related to the Mediterranean, determining new orientations and approaches for the future, and adding depth and richness to the field of science.

Abdullah Arslan, Alaaddin F. Paksoy, Antonios Alexandridis, Bezen Balamir Coskun, Chrysanthi Athanasiadou , Deniz Halman Tomaka, Dimitrios Triantaphyllou, Effie Charalampaki, Eirini Aikaterini Barianaki, Erman Ermihan, Hazel Çağan Elbir, Ioanna M. Kostopoulou , Ioannis Choulis, Jegar Delal Tayip, Kleopatra Moditsi, Marius Mehrl, Mary Drosopulos, Müge Dalkıran, Nur Sinem Kourou, Polen Türkmen, Ronald Meinardus, Selin Siviş, Yvonni Efstathiou This book is a labor of love inspired by the continuous interaction and interaction between young Greek and Turkish participants in numerous forums that the two editors have nurtured for close to a decade. In an international order dominated by hostility, distrust and negative stereotypes, dialogues across borders are a positive response. The conflict between Greece and Turkey is considered one of the most complex conflicts in Europe, and possibly beyond. For decades, the bilateral strife has repeatedly led insecurity as well as periodic violence and war. Also, in this part of the world, the past weighs heavily on the present. What happened long ago determines what happens today and may stand in the way of a peaceful future, or even in imagining one. Conflicts bedevil the bilateral relationship on multiple fronts. As in other cross-border rivalries, we are witnesses to dynamic developments as new contentious issues have emerged to complicate the agenda.
With an eye on what the two sides can do together; this book presents original research co-written by at least one Greek and one Turkish scholar with the objective to provide policy recommendations that could help in bridging the gaps to enhance Greek-Turkish dialogue and cooperation.

Abdürreşit Celil Karluk According to Fei Xiaotong, Chineseness is actually like a snowball. It is the process of social and cultural assimilation of non-Chinese foreigners within its political borders, which grows by clinging to the foreigners around it, with Huaxia at its core. The Chinese, who keep the Chineseness alive, have always kept themselves separate and superior to the others.
China, sociologically, can be generally divided into cultural China and political China. Cultural China is a homogeneous reality in which all the elements that make up Chineseness are completely dominated, and there is essentially no difference. Political China, on the other hand, is the regions inhabited by non-Chinese peoples who are later included in China's hegemony, who are dependent or indirectly governed by China. In Chinese history, cultural China always wants to swallow political China, and for this, it develops a strategy and implements it persistently. When political China becomes cultural China, a political China is reconstructed. Political China was often built by foreigners who dominated China.
This study deals with Chineseness and the strategies applied in the process of governing with the others in the order in which Chinese is dominant, and the social and cultural integration processes of non-Chinese peoples in Chineseness from a sociological perspective. Related topics covered; It will help to understand the inhumane practices of the CCP power in East Turkestan, Tibet and Hong Kong, as well as the Chineseization of religions, the prohibition of foreign resources in educational institutions, and Chinese-specific situations such as debt diplomacy and credit trapping.

Hüsmen Akdeniz Turkish-American relations have a history approaching a quarter of a millennium. The history of bilateral relations covers a period from a collapsed great power and a rising great power, in other words “the Phoenix to the descent”, and the American eagle taking off to take the place of the Roman Empire, to the present day. For this reason, the most important feature of relations is the phenomenon of inequality in power.
On the one hand, this book proposes a statistical analysis-supported method for strategies and policies to be applied in relationships in different power categories, and presents a model to IR professionals and students. Thus, it is to shed light on the strategies and policies that unequal powers can implement against each other.
On the other hand, the book hopes to be useful to all readers by reminding the brief history of the events, facts, crises, strategies and policies implemented in Turkish-American relations from the first establishment of diplomatic relations to the present, and by giving clues about the analysis of bilateral relations, which gradually turned into a chess game.
Prof. dr. In the words of Şükrü Sina Gürel, the book aims not only to evaluate Turkish-American relations on the basis of "power and interest", but also to present a theoretical analysis of the relationship model between a "global dominant power" and a "middle power country".

Abdullah Sayın, Akın Kiren, Akın Sağıroğlu, Alaettin Sevim, Ali Bilgin Varlık, Alperen Kürşad Zengin, Arzu Yorkan, Aslı Okay Toprak, Aylin Çelik Turan, Ayşe Gülce Uygun, Begüm Doğrusöz, Bekir Evin, Belma Engin Güder, Betül Özyılmaz Kiraz, Burak Şakir Şeker, Canan Özge Eğri, Cemal Kakışım, Cemre Pekcan, Cihat Yaycı, Çağla Arslan Bozkuş, Çiğdem Pekar, Çiğdem Sofuoğlu, Dimitrios Ioannidis, Dinçer Bayer, Doğan Şafak Polat, Dora Uzkesici, Ece Barutçu, Emete Gözügüzelli, Emin Abbasov, Emine Kılıçaslan, Emre Çıtak, Erdoğan Mert, Ergun Mengi, Erkan Akdoğan, Erkan Zan, Esra Ballı, Esra Toz, Fahri Erenel, Ferda Özer, Feride Yılmaz, Furkan Yıldız, Gökhan Yılmaz, Gülşah Özdemir, Hakan Çetinoğlu, Hande Sapmaz, Hanife Bıdırdı, Hasret Çomak, Hatice Nur Germir, Hüseyin Çelik, Hüseyin Gençer, Ioannis E. Kotoulas, Ioannis Th. Mazis, Işıl Demirtaş, İ. Melih Baş, İbrahim Akın, İbrahim Arslan, İlhan Aras, İsmail Hakkı Elçi, Konstantinos Gogos, Kübra Deren Ekici, Levent Uzunçıbuk, Markos I. Troulis, Mehlika Özlem Ultan, Mehmet Şahin, Melis Atasoy, Mesut Şöhret, Mine Yılmazer, Muhammed Emin Kocaman, Murad Duzcu, Murat Koray, Murat Pınar, Mustafa Kaymakçı, Mustafa Oktay Alnıak, Müge Manga, Nejat Doğan, Neslihan Özkerim Güner, Nurettin Taşar, Nuri Gökhan Toprak, Oğuz Taner Hacıfazlıoğlu, Oktay Bingöl, Özkan Gönül, Pelin Dikmen Yıldız, Sadullah Özel, Sami Kiraz, Serdar Altun, Serdar Çukur, Serpil Bardakçı Tosun, Sezai Özçelik, Sina Kısacık, Soner Karagül, Soyalp Tamçelik, Şengül G. Aydıngün, Tarık Demir, Volkan Tatar, Yunus Karaağaç, Zeynep Erhan Bulut, Zuhal Mert Uzuner The Aegean Sea forms an important waterway between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, together with the Bosporus and Dardanelles Straits. For all countries using this waterway, the Aegean Sea maintains its geopolitical and geostrategic importance. Since it is a semi-enclosed sea, it is important to produce and monitor stability-oriented policies in the Aegean Sea. In this way, the Aegean Sea's setting an example for peace and stability and its continuation will contribute greatly to peace in the region and the world. In this period where maritime security and stability gain more importance than ever before establishing and maintaining mutual trust between riparian countries in the Aegean Sea is possible if the parties comply with the provisions of the International Agreement and the Convention.

Abdurrahman İlhan, Arzu Erman, Bilal Karabulut, Doğacan Başaran, Elif Günal, Emre Ozan, H. Mustafa Eravcı, Kadir Ertaç Çelik, Mehmet Seyfettin Erol, Mücahide Nihal Engel, Naime Yüksel Kayaçağlayan, Nuri Salık, Sayim Türkman, Serpil Güdül Throughout history, the Middle East has never lost its charm due to its strategic location and the political and economic expectations of global powers. The Middle East, which experienced a stable period during the rule of the Ottoman Empire (1517-1917), first came under the control of England and France with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War, and then the USSR and the USA during the "Cold War" Period. It has been a field of contention in the political and military fields of the United States.
This second book, which was prepared as a continuation of the previous book "Middle East Perspective I", sheds light on the history of the Middle East, again with the contributions of many academicians, on the political, military and economic events experienced by the Middle East countries in the historical process.

Salih Yılmaz At the beginning of the 21st century, the Russian Federation met the strategy expressed as the “Putin Doctrine”. Accordingly, the West is no longer a reliable partner of Russia. The sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries is under the protection of Russia. The Russian World and Russian Orthodoxy have become strong.
Today, the term “Russia's Way” has become almost acceptable all over the world. For this reason, Russia began to be recognized as a society and state that did not accept or did not want to accept the philosophy of "the way of common reason". There is not yet an effective power that can oppose this 'special' situation for Russia, both in domestic and foreign policy. Russian poet and diplomat Fyodor Ivanovich Tyutchev says in a famous four-line poem:
Russia is incomprehensible
Not measured by a generally accepted cubit
It has a unique state of development.
Russia is only believed and obeyed.
These lines are the most common expressions to describe Russia. According to Tyutchev, if we want to understand Russia, it is necessary to “believe in it”. It is necessary to know the history, foreign policy and applied security doctrines in order to understand the "savior" role that the Russians have assigned to themselves from history.
I'm sure you can find answers to some of these questions when you read this book. In the book, the change and transformation of Russia in the Putin Era and the general reasons for these policies are explained. In addition to this book, “Is a Russia & Turkey Eurasian Pact Possible?” I also recommend you to read our book.
I believe that this book will be a useful work for experts, diplomats and students working in the fields of "Security Studies", "Political Science and International Relations" and "History" apart from the general reader.
I wish you good reading.

Çağla Mavruk Cavlak After the Cold War, International Relations has seen a resurgence of interest in the study of regional powers. Scholars have been paying increasing attention to regional powers as important actors in world politics and studying their foreign policy, but few if any studies have discussed the behaviors of regional power comprehensively and comparatively. The purpose of this book is to gain a better understanding of regional power foreign policy strategies and behaviors by analyzing them comprehensively and comparatively. Unlike previous studies on cooperation and conflict within regions, this study focuses on the reasons for the strategic tendencies and motivations of regional hegemons and great powers and their effects on regional cooperation and conflict. Moreover, departing from Hegemonic Stability Theory, this book also aims to explore similarities and differences between regional and global hegemonic foreign policy strategies.